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Op-Ed: Ituri’s Ebola crisis is a governance test

Containing Ebola in eastern DRC will require more than biomedical intervention. Christopher Burke argues that trusted local governance, reliable health-worker payments and engagement with Ituri’s informal economy must become central to epidemic control

by Editorial Staff
2 weeks ago
in Development
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Map showing health zones affected by the 2026 Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with Ituri at the centre of transmission

The 2026 Ebola outbreak has spread across multiple health zones in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with Ituri remaining a major centre of transmission. Image: Wikimedia Commons / CC BY 4.0

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PUBLIC health crises in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) are typically framed as technical emergencies complicated by logistical bottlenecks. Yet the current Bundibugyo virus disease outbreak demonstrates why such a framing is insufficient.

The outbreak is the largest Ebola outbreak ever reported in the DRC. With 7,258 confirmed cases and 3,510 deaths reported by September 13, 2026, across 62 health zones in seven provinces, it is the second-largest Ebola outbreak on record by case count after the 2014–2016 West Africa epidemic.

Ituri remains the principal focus, accounting for 78 percent of cumulative confirmed cases, although its relative contribution continues to decline as transmission increases in North Kivu and persists in Haut-Uélé.

The lesson emerging from Ituri is clear: epidemic containment cannot be separated from the governance, security and economic systems through which people organise their daily lives.

Biomedical responses meet political reality

Viral outbreaks in Ituri trigger the familiar international public-health apparatus: isolation wards, diagnostic units and coordinated contact tracing.

These essential biomedical measures, however, encounter complex realities on the ground. Violence and territorial influence are exercised by an assortment of armed groups, including the Coopérative pour le développement du Congo (CODECO), Convention pour la Révolution Populaire (CRP), Zaïre/Force populaire d’autodéfense du Congo (Zaïre-FPAC) and Allied Democratic Forces (ADF).

State capacity remains uneven, while large parts of the regional economy depend heavily on artisanal and small-scale gold extraction.

Failures of epidemic containment in Ituri therefore cannot be attributed solely to weaknesses in medical science. Core challenges also arise from governance, local authority and fragile health systems.

Academic studies have highlighted how public-health interventions can become overly clinical when they are detached from local power structures in environments marked by prolonged fragility. Top-down approaches may consequently trigger resistance shaped by complex community dynamics among the very populations they are intended to protect.

As Kristof Titeca, Koen Vlassenroot and others have observed in their analyses of public authority, the DRC’s bureaucracy operates through overlapping formal and informal institutions, actors and practices.

Public services are rarely delivered through straightforward state monopolies. Authority is continually negotiated, contested and mediated by actors operating on the ground.

Building a resilient health defence in Ituri therefore requires understanding the province not as an administrative vacuum, but as a space of plural governance where health security, mineral economics, local authority and labour stability intersect.

The fiscal contract on the front line

Local health workers must sit at the centre of any effective disease-surveillance strategy.

Doctors, nurses, community health workers and epidemiological response teams form the first line of defence against viral transmission in affected health zones including Bunia and Rwampara.

Yet medical responders, humanitarian representatives and media reports indicate that the frontline response has repeatedly been strained by administrative delays involving salaries, response payments and risk allowances.

The operational burden has also grown sharply. The World Health Organisation reported at least 155 confirmed infections among health workers by August 9. At the start of September, Ituri had 25 Ebola care facilities, comprising 15 treatment centres and 10 transit centres with a combined 974 beds.

When state payroll mechanisms stall during an active health emergency, the implicit fiscal contract between the administration and its frontline workforce comes under severe pressure.

Medical staff can find themselves facing economic insecurity while simultaneously being required to enforce high-risk quarantine, surveillance and reporting protocols. This institutional friction undermines morale, increases the risk of operational stoppages and can weaken community confidence in the response.

Resolving payroll bottlenecks is therefore not merely a human-resources concern. It is a fundamental requirement for maintaining an effective epidemic response.

Evidence from WHO digital payment initiatives, including health campaigns in the DRC, suggests that timely digital payments can improve speed and transparency while supporting workforce morale and retention.

Temporary recommendations from WHO also explicitly identify timely payment of salaries and, where appropriate, hazard pay as components of health-workforce management and protection.

Reliable and verifiable payment systems could remove at least one avoidable source of disruption from an already difficult response.

Working with Ituri’s informal economy

Beyond formal administrative structures, social and economic life in parts of Ituri is closely connected to artisanal mineral extraction.

Gold-mining centres such as Mongbwalu in Djugu territory support substantial concentrations of artisanal mining activity, trade and livelihoods.

These mining economies do not exist wholly outside the state. Recent field research describes a mixed governance environment involving miners, site and pit managers, mining cooperatives, traders, state services, local authorities and, in some areas armed groups.

These actors can perform overlapping operational, security, taxation and dispute-resolution functions, creating negotiated systems of governance around mining sites.

Emergency health measures introduced without sufficient community ownership, or implemented in ways perceived as coercive or excessively securitised, can deepen mistrust and provoke resistance.

Mine operators, traders and workers may regard restrictions on movement or access as direct threats to their livelihoods. Potential consequences include avoidance of health checkpoints, under-reporting of symptoms and resistance to contact tracing.

The experience in Nyankunde underlines the importance of trust. Rumours, fear of treatment centres and concerns surrounding safe-burial practices delayed alerts and cooperation, culminating in an attack on the local Ebola treatment centre on July 15 and 16.

Rather than treating informal mining structures simply as obstacles to be bypassed, policymakers should consider how existing organisational networks can assist epidemic control.

Mining cooperatives, site managers, traders and established monitoring networks already provide channels for communication and coordination within mining communities.

Health authorities could integrate surveillance more closely into daily economic activity by strengthening, and where appropriate formalising, agreements with site managers and local authorities. Routine screening, clean-water facilities and symptom reporting could be incorporated at or near mining sites.

Responsible-sourcing and due-diligence frameworks may also create opportunities for engagement with commercial actors. But using mineral revenues or levies to support health infrastructure would require explicit and lawful financing mechanisms; it cannot simply be assumed to flow from responsible-sourcing rules.

Strategic cohesion over parallel systems

The broader lesson from Ituri is that state authority becomes more effective when it works with local institutional realities rather than attempting to override them.

Efforts to enforce public-health protocols through coercive or excessively securitised measures can deepen community mistrust, fuel rumours and weaken cooperation, particularly when interventions are not developed alongside affected communities and trusted local leaders.

This principle is now reflected more clearly in national policy. The revised 180-day response plan, launched on September 4, places community engagement and risk communication alongside surveillance, contact tracing, case management and logistics as core elements of the response.

A durable strategy should also rely on civilian-coordinated arrangements for health access.

Health authorities can seek neutral operational space for medical teams while limiting unnecessary disturbance of local security relationships through structured engagement involving administrative leaders, traditional authorities, civil-society actors and community representatives.

WHO’s current temporary recommendations similarly call for negotiated security corridors where necessary so responders can safely reach affected populations.

Positioned as a neutral, community-centred public service, healthcare can help establish a constructive presence for the state rather than becoming another flashpoint in existing conflicts.

Building institutional resilience

Containing infectious disease in conflict-affected environments requires moving beyond crisis-driven emergency management towards longer-term institutional integration.

Epidemic resilience in Ituri cannot be achieved through biomedical intervention alone, particularly where community ownership, trust, security and local institutional capacity determine whether public-health measures are accepted and sustained.

The spread of the outbreak beyond Ituri into six other provinces reinforces that reality. Weaknesses in local governance can rapidly acquire national and cross-border epidemiological consequences.

Public-health policy should therefore adapt to the structural realities of the territory.

That means stabilising the fiscal relationship with frontline health professionals, integrating appropriate formal and informal mining-governance structures into surveillance and risk-communication networks, and maintaining proactive dialogue with community leaders.

The alignment of health security with local economic and social governance should not be treated as a peripheral social component of epidemic control. It is part of the core infrastructure needed for surveillance, access, public confidence and institutional resilience.

The larger challenge is to turn emergency coordination into durable arrangements that retain legitimacy and credibility long after the immediate outbreak has receded.

Christopher Burke is a senior advisor at WMC Africa, a communications and advisory agency based in Kampala, Uganda. With more than 30 years of experience, he has worked extensively on social, political and economic development issues involving governance, extractives, agriculture, environmental policy, communications, advocacy, conflict transformation, international relations and peacebuilding across Asia and Africa.

 

Tags: Christopher BurkeDRC EbolaEbola outbreakhealth governanceIturipublic health
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Editorial Staff

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