Keypoints:
- Moderniser who built schools, laws, and pan-African ties
- Autocrat blamed for famine, ethnic unrest, repression
- Legacy remains contested in today’s divided Ethiopia
FIFTY years after his death, the memory of Haile Selassie I—Ethiopia’s last emperor—remains deeply polarised. To some, he was the visionary moderniser who propelled Ethiopia into the modern age; to others, a traditionalist autocrat who presided over mismanagement and ethnic disputes.
A visionary moderniser
Crowned emperor in 1930, Haile Selassie embarked on a gradual but undeniable modernisation agenda. He issued the country’s first written constitution in 1931, laying the groundwork for constitutional monarchy, closed the legal institution of slavery in 1942, and established Ethiopia’s first university (now Addis Ababa University) in 1950.
He also put Ethiopia on the world stage. He rallied international support in exile during the Italian invasion of the 1930s, joined the League of Nations, later the United Nations, and played a pivotal role in founding the Organisation of African Unity in 1963—demonstrating his commitment to pan-Africanism and international diplomacy.
Ian Campbell, a historian cited by AFP, said: ‘He can be regarded as the founder of modern Ethiopia… he launched major development programmes in agriculture and education… truly put the country on the map’. Haile Selassie’s grandson, Beedemariam Mekonnen, acknowledged his grandfather’s educational legacy, noting there was ‘no constitution, no police’ before his reign.
Autocrat on a fragile throne
However, for many Ethiopians, his legacy is less flattering. His lengthy rule bred resentment, and critics point to catastrophic governance missteps. The 1973–74 drought, particularly in Wollo, claimed up to 200,000 lives. Selassie’s failure to see the famine, buried under painted optimism, ‘cost him dearly’, said his grandson.
Haile Selassie’s government also attempted to centralise power, provoking ethnic backlash. In 1943, the Woyane rebellion erupted in Tigray, a serious revolt against his centralising reforms—even requiring UK air support to suppress it.
Human Rights Watch and other observers regarded his governance as autocratic. His rule was criticised for being illiberal, with reports of language restrictions on Oromo, persecution of Harari people, and forced relocations of Amhara communities in the south.
Polarised today
Half a century after his death, Ethiopia remains deeply divided, and Haile Selassie’s memory is shaped by contemporary conflict, especially ethnic polarisation. In regions like Tigray, Amhara and Oromia, views of his rule often reflect current local loyalties and historical experiences.
Yet his symbolic power lives on. Inside Addis Ababa’s Holy Trinity Cathedral—his final resting place after being exhumed from a Derg mass grave in 1992—his portraits still loom large. One guide, identifying as Fitsum, says he admires Selassie’s pan-African engagement, especially as Addis Ababa hosts the African Union today.
Internationally, he retains mythic stature. Rastafarian devotees revere him as a messianic figure, tracing ancestral links to Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.
A figure of paradox
In sum, Haile Selassie’s reign is a study in contradiction. He was undeniably the architect of Ethiopia’s modern institutions who elevated the nation on the global stage, yet he presided over autocratic rule, ethnic tensions, and failures in the face of crisis. As historian Campbell reflects: ‘It depends on who you ask’.
In today’s Ethiopia—a nation of over 80 ethnic groups and enduring conflict—the emperor’s legacy serves both as a catalyst for national pride and a reminder of unresolved grievances.
